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tv   Charlie Rose  Bloomberg  April 28, 2017 10:00pm-11:01pm EDT

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♪ announcer: from our studios in new york city, this is "charlie rose." charlie: the countdown to 100 days. we continue our countdown -- the white house faced questions about how proposed tax cuts would be carried out without adding to the growing deficit. meanwhile, numbers of congress worked on a short-term spending bill that would keep the government open for another week. joining me now from los angeles, mike murphy. he is a gop strategist and the host of the podcast "radio free gop." and from austin, texas, matthew dowd, chief political analyst for abc news.
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i am least to have them both on the program. we have a lot of people around this table talking about 100 days. let me start at the beginning from a political standpoint -- assess donald trump and his political performance and future. mike? mike: i would say on the plus side, we conservatives are happy with the supreme court outcome. and he has continued to set the agenda, which is what a president has to do. he has not positioned himself where he has any popularity or strength in the country, either than the voters who are the core of support. he talks to the base with the same campaign rhetoric he used. and on the legislative side, he boxed himself out of working with them regrets becoming so
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radioactive, you are a democrat who helps them, and you will have -- he has not done a lot of what a president tries to do out of the box. charlie: matthew? matthew: if i were grading his first 100 days, i would give him an incomplete. on donald trump's best day, it was the moment he put his hand on the bible and every day after that hasn't been good. as mike says, he has the majority of the country that opposes him. he solidified the group of voters that is 38% that are for him. he has a solid level of support, nearly every member of the republican party and voter
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group. he doesn't have a majority he can communicate with. presidents rise and fall on their ability to connect with the country. that ability is very limited. charlie: has he shown the ability to change? matthew: he has shown the ability to change his entire life. he changed parties seven different times over the last 15 to 20 years. we want people that learn. i have this information, but we don't know is what he has learned. i have no idea what he has learned. when he has changed, he has not enunciated why he changed, what his principles are, and what information he came into contact with that made him change. charlie: let's take syria, the syria strikes. looking at him. the preparation it seems was
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handled well. >> it was a paper that was already written. it was a paper in the desk. he took the paper out, and handed it in, and we gave him a grade on the paper that was done. the implementation of a tactical action was done well, primarily by the pentagon, but he made the decision. we don't know what the strategy was, the end game, and the next step. he launched tomahawk missiles. that is done, but we don't know with the end result will be. charlie: has he made friends within the republican party? mike: he is not a traditional republican ideologically. he will change positions every day. we don't know the strategy driving that.
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what republicans liked was he was a "winner." now we are finding out we don't know if he is ideologically reliable. there is fear in the caucus. we don't know if he will triangulate himself in left field or right field. when you have a president that is a chaos machine, it can be good for negotiating, but it scares the allies. if he starts having wins, he will hold friends. if he triangulates against the r's and d's, he will not have many friends. if we lose the runoff in georgia, the real power will take over congress, the fear of my own reelection. then the calculus will change.
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this guy was supposed to be the big winner. he is now an anchor around our necks. what can we do? charlie: winning in politics is the golden rule? mike: that is why you look at 100 days, there is a lot that trump folks should be worried about. he has bad numbers. if you are popular, you can pressure congress. he is backed into one part of the republican party that loves him, but that is not enough in a majority when you have the freedom caucus on the right. trying to find a middle ground to change obamacare is a tough public policy problem. he is running out of tools. that is a problem. charlie: you know that everyone who supports him says you have said that all along. look what happened. he won the republican primaries,
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got the nomination, and defeated hillary clinton. matthew: that is true, but i've said this since he took office, he's succeeded by pushing up against someone or something that was less acceptable than him. now he is pushing up against himself. he has flailed around trying to find an enemy -- trying to push against, the press, democrats, whatever it is -- but he is president of the united states without an election campaign for three years. he succeeded in the primary against a group of weak candidates. he succeeded against hillary clinton, a person almost as unpopular as he was. can he succeed as a leader standing on his own? now he is on a world stage. he cannot get a rebound off someone else. he has to do it on his own. that is where he has found the faculty. charlie: what does he have to do to become transformative? mike: he needs to find the difference between a campaign,
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which is a promise auction, and governing. we have an essentially dysfunctional staff in the white house. the administration is understaffed. the exception is that some of the national security team is quite excellent. the president needs to know how to play the big piano. instead, he is hunkered down in the bunker. the legislative agenda has been tactical, no strategy. how he gets wins in the reality of washington politics has vexed him. he will have to up his game tremendously, or he will be sitting in the white house tweeting all day. charlie: what about having all that senators come in to brief them on north korea? having the security council come to washington to try to flatter them? mike: it was a good tactic because we are trying to widen the salience of the north korean issue. it sends a message to the
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chinese in the north koreans. most of the policy tactics have been good. those are tactics, they get you to tomorrow. it is not how you get the numbers up so you have political power with both parties to get stuff through. tax reform is the easiest thing to talk about on the campaign, one of the hardest things to do. it is like the bermuda triangle. you fly in smiling at 300 miles per hour and are never seen again, because it is all about sacrifice. i will give him a d. charlie: do they need some magic bullet in one person that can make the white house a different place? mike: i don't think so. it is him. trump doesn't change. it is his strength and his weakness.
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matthew: i don't think you can have anything that will change. this is fundamentally about donald trump. you can't have a series of people saying, "i will feel better about donald trump, it will be a different brand of leadership." donald trump has to understand his own weaknesses and liability, confront them, move through them, and become a different kind of leader. he has on his shoulders to become something different than he was in the campaign. charlie: what about his relationship with the media? matthew: it is standard practice by the republicans to lambaste the media. the media still loves the cover him. he has a huge asset. the media wants to cover him, and anyone around him. the media gets bored by things. they are not bored at all. he has lost a level of trust. every word that comes out of his mouth, his keyboard, out of sean spicer's mouth, it is automatically questioned. that makes it hard to reach a
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consensus if the people covering you don't trust what you are saying. charlie: thank you for joining us. michael, let's go to the issue of him. 100 days and our entire fascination has been with his behavior. mike: it is amazing. we have never seen anything like this. he is very asymmetrical. he has a genius for holding the media spotlight. one way is doing incredibly outrageous things that hurt his credibility with the media. over time, he discounts himself. it is like steroids. he is so steroidal he can have all the power, but he is killing his political body with the tactics he is using to do it. he has to change things up. at 70, is someone living in the
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level of success he has created capable that changing? the media reports, and he reads it. [laughter] one of the most successful governors in michigan had a rule, never read clips. trump knows how to drive the media, but he reads it and reacts to it, so he is caught in his own feedback loop. charlie: not only reacts to it, it influences decisions he makes. mike: absolutely. i am in the advocacy business in d.c. they say this is the ad you put on these networks to get directly to the president. you can go direct to him. it is new territory. he is totally, to use a computer term, open source. charlie: and it is education from tv. mike: you hear from people in the orbit that he is difficult to brief because he doesn't like
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to read things, even short memos. you have to verbally brief him, but when you try he likes to tell the conspiracy of the night in new hampshire or something. it is difficult for the staff to brief the president in a two-way situation where he can gain information. that is troubling to me. charlie: mike murphy, political analyst, screenwriter, and whatever else on the west coast. thank you for joining us. we will be right back. ♪
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charlie: syria's civil war is widely considered the biggest humanitarian crisis of the 21st century. it has claimed millions of lives since it started. millions have been displaced, leading to a refugee crisis that has fueled far right sentiment across europe. joining me is clarissa ward, a correspondent from cnn. she spent six years reporting from syria and was a recipient of the peabody award for her series, "undercover in syria." clarissa: there was just an airstrike in this town. it is not clear what was hit, but we are hearing there are
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still planes in the sky. our team found chaos and carnage. volunteers shouted for an ambulance as they tried to ferry out the wounded. for many, it was too late. a woman was dead on the ground with a jacket draped over her in an attempt to preserve her dignity. russia has claimed it is only hitting terrorist targets. this one hit a busy fruit market. >> this is just a civilian market. there are no installations here. it is a market, a market. a fruit market. is this what you want? charlie: i'm pleased to have clarissa ward at this table. you are in town to celebrate with your friends and receive another reward?
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clarissa: a very exciting one. it's always a tremendous honor to receive an award from your peers. charlie: when were you last in syria? clarissa: i was last inside syria when i made that series of pieces, "undercover in syria." that was last march. i have been trying to go again, especially after the recent strikes -- the u.s. strikes and the chemical attack. unfortunately, now it has become incredibly difficult to gain access. "the guardian" was able to get in briefly, but with the turkish referendum, the turkish authorities were reluctant to allow journalists to visit the scene of the chemical attack and piece together what happened. charlie: you say that nothing
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compares to syria? clarissa: it is true. i go through in my mind, and it is not to minimize the horrors of any war zone. having spent time in iraq and gaza, i know the horrors of war. all people from all different countries and war zones are victims and suffering enormously, but there is something unique to the syrian conflict. the david and goliath element, where you have a civilian population being bombarded from the skies relentlessly. where rebel fighters don't have the same kind of firepower that the russians, the regime, the iranians, and hezbollah have put together. to see hospitals targeted, fruit markets targeted, schools targeted -- there is a cynicism to the syrian war that is particularly haunting to me. one of the other main differences that i would
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underscore as a journalist is normally when we go to war zones we have a hotel we go back to at the end of the night. there is a safe distance, a retreat mentally from the first lines and everything that has been going on around you. maybe you even have a beer at the end of a long day at work. in syria, you stay with families. there aren't hotels. you are living with these people. in damascus, you can stay at the four seasons. i have not had the pleasure of doing that for a number of reasons. primarily because i am told i am on a blacklist and it would not be safe for sensible for me to do so. the places i go to, we live with families, experience their lives, and vicariously live through them the horrors and
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atrocities, albeit for a sliver of time. charlie: what are the remaining players and the strength they have? clarissa: the strongest player in the syrian conflict, if we are looking at the syrian factions is the regime of bashar al-assad. its backers are 100% committed to making sure that assad stays in power. whether it is the iranians, the russians who are providing funding, technology, weaponry, whether it is the hezbollah, the shia militia from lebanon that is doing an enormous amount of fighting on the ground -- they have all shown a unified commitment to propping up the regime of bashar al-assad. the same cannot be said of the various fighting forces that comprise the rebellion or the opposition. charlie: how large are they? clarissa: it is difficult to measure.
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you have a group like isis, which is isolated from other elements of the opposition. at one time they had a large swath of territory, which had more control or power than any other opposition group on the ground, which has definitely been hit very hard in the last two years by the u.s.-led coalition, but still maintains a significant footprint, especially in syria. then you have the coalition of jihadist groups, primarily one that used to be affiliated with al qaeda. the names are changing. they are not changing in terms of their real colors and their real objectives. a group like them, their objective is still to get some kind of sharia law, islamic law, implemented in the areas it
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controls. the other groups fighting alongside it, more of a muslim brotherhood islamist bent where it is open to democratic processes, like voting, but ultimately is islamist in color. then you have the moderate opposition. they are largely fighting alongside turkey as part as the operation euphrates shield. when you look at the picture that emerging -- syria wa,s to a certain extent, always a proxy war, but now it is an all-out proxy war. whether you're looking at the turkish contingency, the iranian, the russian contingency, the jordanian role, the saudis, the u.s., everyone has some kind of a stake.
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charlie: the turks in an airstrike this week killed a lot of kurds who are on our side. clarissa: this is where things get complicated, particularly for the u.s. we have heard about the imminent attack on raqqa. it is the seat of power for isis, their self-declared capital. we were hoping for the kurds to be at the forefront of this effort. they were the boots on the ground. there were arguments if they would enter the city, because the city is arab and they are kurdish, but they would lead to push. turkey views the kurds with the ypg as being terrorists who threaten their national security. as being part of the pkk, the turkish side of the ypg, and
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view them as a serious national security threat. how do you reconcile what turkey views as a terrorist, and the pkk is listed as a terrorist organization by the u.s., with u.s. support? with this attack on the kurds, that is erdogan thumbing his nose at the u.s. saying, i won the referendum, am newly emboldened, and will no longer stand for you arming people that i consider to be a threat to our national security in my backyard. charlie: after the fall of aleppo, some said this is the beginning of the end in terms of putting down the rebellion. robert ford was here at the beginning of april and said, "the idea that the united states could still change the assad
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government or impose a new government, we are past that. aleppo was the final nail in that coffin." he went on to say, "essentially the civil war is over and assad has won." clarissa: there is no question when you look at how the momentum has shifted and the fall of aleppo. we have seen not the end of the opposition, but what you are seeing is the opposition turning into a guerrilla-style insurgency, rather than 2 equals. they were never equals, but 2 fighting factions on the battlefield. the only province that the rebels are in control of is idlib. if the chemical attack is a harbinger of things to come, you can be sure that the assad regime will try, perhaps in the
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near future, to push the rebels completely out of the idlib province and regain control of that territory across the north of the country. the problem of the regime is that it is almost an empirical victory. who lives there? there's no one in eastern aleppo. you only have skeletons of buildings and almost an apocalyptic moonscape. people are not there. schools are not starting. investment is not going into these communities because people do not want to live under bashar al-assad again, many of them. charlie: arab leaders want him in power? clarissa: very few of them.
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charlie: iran is the only country that i know. clarissa: iran is the only one that would want him in power in the long term. in the short term, there is a recognition in the region and perhaps further a field -- i'm thinking the jordanians. assad can not stay long time. it doesn't make sense. you cannot have a man who has butchered his own people live in a thriving country. there is a measured expectation as to the speed with which assad would need to go and the mechanisms that would need to enforce his removal. charlie: can you do that without the russians? clarissa: no. i would argue it is not possible to come to any conclusion or peaceful resolution, or even a path towards a peaceful resolution, without the russians
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on board. at the same time, the russians, from my experience living in russia and watching their behavior through the syrian conflict, the russians are not necessarily going to step up and behave as responsible actors unless the u.s. has real leverage. we saw the obama administration again and again resort to guilt tactics. we heard the then u.s. ambassador say "have you no shame" and "how do you sleep at night?" that doesn't work with the russians. or the syrians either. they are thinking in cynical and strategic terms. you need to come to the table with the same tools, the same language, and the same strategic cynicism if you want to have a
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place at the table. charlie: at the same time, secretary tillerson is saying, before the airstrike, we want the syrian people to decide what they want. clarissa: i felt that comment was disingenuous to an extent. the reality is the syrian people, unfortunately, have no say in whether bashar al-assad stays or goes. millions have been trying to get him to go for years. they have paid with their lives, hundreds of thousands, in the effort to get him to leave with no avail. the majority of the syrian people do not have a voice. they don't have a formal structure they can all fight within to try to get the support they would argue they need to facilitate the ouster of bashar al-assad. the russians understand they are on a winning thing.
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the argument you will hear from some is that the strikes against the syrian airbases, what was the legal basis? many understand they were legitimate in taking that step and standing up against the assad regime. words like sovereignty almost cease to mean anything when you're talking about a regime engaged in industrialized killing. charlie: and it is like the same kind of issues where we regret we did not go in. clarissa: we hear "never again" post rwanda. yet, here we are again heard here we are hamstrung, wringing our hands on the sidelines, not sure how to approach.
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charlie: the trump government wants to change that. donald trump said during the campaign and in the last 100 days, we have no desire. clarissa: we have no desire, and the last thing that anyone expected, that i expected, was president trump to turn around and say "this is a red line for us." when i say something i mean it, and i will bomb your airfields. the use of chemical weapons. chlorine gas has been used on a regular basis continuously. at the same time, what we have yet to see from the trump administration is anything in terms of a coherent policy for what the syrian effort, or what the syrian strategy is going to be going forward. it is understandable that you used force, and it might have
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given you leverage at the negotiating table, and it may have highlighted the weakness of the previous administration and not following through on the red line. now you are in a crucial moment for you have to ask yourself, "we have established that assad is not a long-term option. how do we impress upon the russians they need to be part of the solution, not part of the problem?" charlie: the interesting thing is the phrase "not to act is to act." there are consequences to acting, which worried the obama administration, but not to act also has consequences. they need to be weighed with the same intensity. clarissa: it has enormous consequences. no one imagined six years ago the extent to which inaction had consequences. forgetting empathy or compassion
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for the humanitarian situation, when you are looking at national global security, having 10 million displaced people, 4 million refugees, they are uneducated, many of them. they are impoverished and angry. that is a real security threat when you are looking into the next generation. that potentially feeds into the creation of groups like isis. it drives me mad when people talk about isis like it is a separate entity to the rest of the syrian civil war. isis is a symptom not cause. we have to understand it operates in concert with the larger syrian conflict. charlie: no one creates more
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applicants for isis than assad. clarissa: assad is the oxygen they need to breathe. i have seen it. for example, i spent time with the young man in a village in northern syria. he studied english literature, loved to recite poetry, would talk for hours about john keats. his name was mohammad. he was an incredible young man. he was impoverished. the bombing continued. he lost his next-door neighbor when i was there, a woman and her two daughters. i used to skype with him after i left. he got married, had a baby, they were living on olives and bread. i noticed i did not hear from him for many months. i kept leaving notes on spark. he finally replied and said "i am in raqqa now."
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i said you don't belong there. we used to talk about poetry and romance. he said, "you don't know mohammed so good anymore." this is a story i have seen over and over again. when you lose everything, when you have nothing, you are susceptible to extremism. charlie: the western world is to provide an alternative. clarissa: having a sense of alternative, that there is some order to your life, some level of security. are, as important as they -- as abhorrent as they are does , provide security in the areas in which they hold territory. they rule with an iron fist. there are a number of reasons
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and missed opportunities. i remember interviewing then secretary of state clinton in 2012 and i asked if the international community is standing on the sidelines, others will exploit the chaos. that is what happened. charlie: the civil war had other characters that rushed in because they saw opportunity. clarissa: anyone who was watching syria closely saw the writing on the wall. they knew on some level that was going to happen. now we have the audacity to say these people are extremists and terrorists. it seems disingenuous. charlie: you know better than i do, the call is not to come to syria. the call is to do something for us where you live. clarissa: it is so easy. you don't have to be a member, speak to any of us. take whatever you have at your disposal, kill as many people as you can, and say we have done this in the name of isis.
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we will accept your pledge of allegiance remotely, and allah will accept your pledge of allegiance remotely, and you will be rewarded for your deeds. charlie: it is a battle of generations? clarissa: it is a battle of generations and ideas. charlie: you can't do it overnight. clarissa: certainly you can't do it overnight. it is not something that can only be solved militarily. there needs to be a military element, and it is important to take out isis in syria and iraq because they are the nucleus communicating with recruits across the world. what i'm seeing now is the
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proliferation of these ideas among a kind of disenchanted class in society that is potentially dangerous and difficult to combat. charlie: congratulations again on the reward. clarissa ward now at cnn. we miss her at cbs. back in a moment. ♪
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charlie: calvin trillian has been a regular contributor to "the new yorker." he published true homicide stories in 1984. it has been reissued and expanded. i am pleased to have calvin trillian back at the table. you look like you are doing well. calvin: i am upright. the original book came about because i was doing a piece every three weeks in different parts of the country for 15 years. at some point i realized once a year i was at a murder, or wrongful death as the lawyers
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would call it. something like that. we published that in 1984, after i was done with the series. i would add four or five longer pieces with the same story, plus a profile of the homicide writer for "the miami herald." charlie: we now have a television series on cbs that goes through murders every week. it is called "48-hours." what is it about murder? calvin: for me, it is not the murder itself, but what it opens up in people's lives in the surrounding community. when there is a murder, the
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shades are drawn sometimes. the stones are turned over. transcripts are made. my wife used to say i would go anywhere there was a transcript. charlie: the secrets that people were hiding. calvin: it was worth looking into. and trials. reporters like trials because the person on the witness stand has to answer the questions. you cannot change the subject or be told he has an important golf game or something like that. charlie: and it is the drama of the courtroom. calvin: and it has a narrative. it has a beginning, a middle, and an end. there is something to drive it along. "the new yorker" has been a good place. i cannot remember when pictures
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were introduced, but a lot of the stories were written before there were photographs. before there was a description of what the story was about. it is a good place to tell a story without being interrupted. you don't have somebody in a photo caption saying "was he pushed or did he jump?" i might not tell you that until the middle of the story. it doesn't have a nut graph, the --if i had one in one of these pieces it might say "this killing is symptomatic of nondescript people in miserable towns killing each other." it is a paragraph that says why it is important enough for someone like you to be there.
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charlie: "the new yorker" writer that set the standard. what was it about joe mitchell? calvin: one thing that i admired is that he managed to get the marks of writing off the stories. they look like they just appeared. i don't know how he did it exactly. he looked at people straight on. there is an epigraph in one of his books. it says, "it has become fashionable to call people in this book "little people." it is a repugnant phrase. they are as big as you are." something like that. he met people on their own terms. charlie: is there one murder that stands out for you? calvin: one about a farmer in
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iowa who got rich, on paper at least, and started hanging around -- this is in a conservative area where the germans have been farming for three or four generations -- got involved with a cocktail waitress. do not mess around with cocktail waitresses. order your drinks and that's it. charlie: and don't get involved with cocktail waitresses. how many of these stories are about a love affair that creates jealousy, rage, murder? calvin: there are a couple of them like that. some of them -- one of them is about an argument over a right-of-way. i have a friend that was a
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surveyor. when he read it, he said that he was surprised they weren't more murders having to do with right-of-way. it is annoying to have someone have the right to go through your place. it is about money. charlie: money and sex. religion, maybe. calvin: there is one about a scoutmaster who turned out to be a predator of boys. the church protected him. almost the same thing as the roman catholic, they were an institution that was more important than the people they were protecting. charlie: who got killed in that one? calvin: the predator. charlie: who did it? calvin: a kid he was abusing. charlie: i thought that would be nice. calvin: that is what the town thought.
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charlie: how many books have you written? calvin: that may be a strong word. these are collections. these are 31. i remember being at an event with isaac asimov. he wrote science and other things. he had written 540 books. the woman next to me at a charity luncheon said, "mr. asimov seems very quiet. while you are making small talk, he wrote a novella." i thought, there has to be an affliction for writing. you cannot justify it for monetary, or any other satisfaction. i was saying that at a christmas party. i said, "560 books, he has to be
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crazy." the guy next to me that i just met said, "i have written 575." most people who have written a lot of books are science fiction writers, westerns, or mysteries. charlie: do editors come to you with what to do? calvin: i have done less of that kind of reporting lately. someone told me after a few decades sitting on the hard bench in front of the deputy police commissioner's office to see if you will talk to you loses its charm. i think that is true. i cannot blame the editors. charlie: these are more about how people lived than how they died? calvin: the violence is not what interests me. the actual detective work is not
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usually -- there is a story in there about a lawyer named harvey st. jean in miami that was killed. what interested me originally was this guy was a criminal defense lawyer who knows a lot of bad people. a quarter of the population could be under suspicion for killing him. he lived the high life in miami. he lived in a place where the manager told me we say the average age here is 40, a 60-year-old man and a 20-year-old broad. you cannot write about that in
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miami and the tenuous hold it has had on respectability. they only succeed if they have residents with a place. charlie: what about harlan county, how do they and brooklyn differ? calvin: i talk about picking a jury in harlan county and brooklyn. i watched a lawyer pick a jury in brooklyn. he did it by rough ethnic guesses. it was a wrongful death case. he decided his fines,t ideal juror would be a 60-year-old jewish man who put two kids through college, because the death was a college teacher. he did not like people with thin lips.
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in harlan county, kentucky daniel boone smith knew everyone in the county. he knew which witness had a dispute with someone else that was connected with the defense. it is more grounded. charlie: if you just find one of those, they will not convict your guy. calvin: the way people get killed is different, too. i was doing a story in west virginia where the miners went on strike for a schoolbook issue. it was in the 1970's when things were dangerous in new york, walking down the street at night or something. i got to the airport. there was a taxi queue.
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guys would come up and break the queue and say, "do you want a taxi?" i thought, that guy is ok new york, but in west virginia someone would hit him in the head with a number 4 coal shovel. it always worried me they knew exactly which number coal shovel they would hit someone with. a number three wouldn't do it. a number five would kill them too fast. charlie: you remember better than i do, but you came to talk about a book and talked about politics. calvin: i came to talk about some book and we talked about iraq. you asked about politics, and we started talking about iraq. i think you replayed it. charlie: what do you think of trump? calvin: people keep telling me he is good material. charlie: all you have to do is
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look at the late-night comedians. calvin: i have managed to write -- i write a verse for the nation, not every issue, it is only published in the summer, but i had written -- what was last week's poem? "his book defines the art, reporters often cite it. one resilient point they all forget, he didn't really write it." good question, did he read it even? charlie: people read that book,
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looking for an insight. people want to seem of importance. i think it was the president of mexico said we went to read "the art of the deal." do you see any redeeming quality? calvin: i always thought the most possible redeeming thing was he doesn't have any politics. so, if there is a reason to get applause for something, he might do it. i think applause is his goal in life. charlie: that is connected to win. calvin: yeah.
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i don't know, i was wondering the other day what happens if all the stuff about russia turned out to be true? charlie: the book is called "killings" an expanded edition of the classic book on life and death in america. calvin: thank you, charlie. charlie: thank you for joining us. see you next time. ♪
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>> all perplexing high-tech environments. the work scrutinizes the world raisesrrounds us and probing questions about the achievements, aspirations, and evolution of humanity. >> my feeling was that beginning in the 80's the excelled -- the accelerated men of diversion fromnce was
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humanity. this is away from the patient and operates the technology over the patient. watching "bloomberg technology." >> i'm alisa parenti and you are watching "bloomberg technology." president donald trump won a court ruling making it easier for him to resend the clean power plan. the court of appeals put a 26 state lawsuit challenging the plan on hold for six days without determining whether the initiative is legal. secretary of state rex tillerson plans to cut diplomats and civil 2300 servants, 9% of the agency's workforce. that is according to people familiar with the matter say most of these cuts will come from attrition. critics say the plan will hollow out the diplomatic corps. in europe,sh


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